Category: People

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Zanabazar Jebtsundamba Khutuktu

Zanabazar, the first Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu (Jetsun Dampa Khutuktu)

Zanabazar (1635-1723) was the initial incarnation of the Urga or Jebtsundamba (rje btsun dam pa) lineage of the western Outer Mongolian (Khalkha) monastery Erdeni Zuu. Recognized by the Fifth Dalai Lama when he was twenty-five, Zanabazar later held a close relationship with the Kangxi emperor and is credited with convincing the Khalkha Mongols to submit to the Qing empire – and not to culturally alien Russia – around 1691.[[#_ftn1|[1]]] After this, Kangxi bestowed upon Zanabazar the title “Da Lama,” and in turn the lama alluded to their reenactment of Khubilai Khan and Phakpa’s close relationship during the Yuan dynasty. In addition to his spiritual and political roles, Zanabazar was renowned in his own time up to the present for the intricate and elegant sculpture he created in a Nepali-derived style.

In 1639, at the age of fifteen, Zanabazar (son of the Khalkha Tshuyetu Khan Gombodorji) was accepted as an incarnate lama by a convocation of Khalkha nobles at Erdeni Zuu. The Khalkha Khan may have been trying to usurp some of the power of the Gelugpa (dge lugs pa) sect, and at the same time circumvent a potential alliance between the Tibetans and the newly founded Qing dynasty. The boy was sent to Tibet for recognition by the Dalai Lama in 1649, and he received many initiations and teachings over the next year from the Great Fifth and from the Fourth Panchen Lama Lobsang Chokyi Gyaltsen (blo bzang chos skyid rgyal mtshan). The Dalai Lama also gave Zanabazar the title Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and recognized him as the reincarnation of Taranatha (1575-1634), a Jonangpa (jo nang pa) missionary lama who had traveled widely in Inner Mongolia and rivaled Gelugpa influence in the region. This recognition had astute political consequences. Besides transferring all the merit accumulated by Taranatha in Tibet and Mongolia to Zanabazar (and the Gelugpa), the Fifth Dalai Lama was also able to incorporate Taranatha’s monastery in Tibet, the center of the Jonangpa, Puntsokling (phun tshogs gling). The Great Fifth then “renovated” this monastery with murals by Nepali artists, thus materially inscribing there his ambition. Zanabazar did not preside over Puntsokling, however, but returned instead to Khalkha in the company of fifty painters and bronze casters (commanding both Nepali and Tibetan styles) to build a stupa for Taranatha’s remains, and to establish a new Gelugpa stronghold at Erdeni Zuu.

Zanabazar also never took up permanent residence at his seat of Erdeni Zuu, however, which was the largest stationary monastery of its time. His real establishment was in fact a traveling one; called orgoo (or in Russian, Urga) or Da Khuree or Ikh Khuree, which in Mongolian means Great Circle. With his traveling entourage, Zanabazar worked to carry out the proselytizing mission of the Gelugpas, especially the Fifth Dalai Lama. On the other hand, the Dalai Lama and Jetsundamba Khutukhtu sometimes acted like rival lords, investing, entitling, and providing seals for Mongol Khans, arbitrating disputes between the Khans, and – like emperors and Khans – receiving and dispatching embassies and commanding populations and sometimes even armies. Zanabazar’s Da Khuree ranged over at least seventeen different locations and five hundred kilometers between the mid-seventeenth and eighteenth century. The decoration of the lama’s roving temples reveals some of the techniques he employed towards his proselytizing and diplomatic ends, through his deep engagement with the elaborate artistic traditions and ritualism of his day. His tents were rich with painting, sculpture, textile hangings, and ritual objects created in his workshop. Zanabazar is also said to have composed ceremonial music and designed monks’ costumes and rituals, based on what he had seen at the Panchen Lama’s monastery Tashilunpo (bkra shis lhun po). His famous Nepali-influenced bronze sculptures are said to have been “created” at the unlikely place of Tovghuun, his retreat center on the outskirts of Erdeni Zuu. Patricia Berger argues that this reference mostly likely means that Zanabazar visualized the sculptures during meditation retreat after receiving various spiritual transmissions of texts (he was especially associated with Tara and Vajrapani), and that their later execution took place with the help of his artisan entourage. Actual production sites were spread over a wide geographic swath, unsurprisingly also linking sites of Zanabazar’s diplomatic and missionary endeavors: Beijing, Chengde, Dolonnor, Inner Mongolian Koke qota, and Amdo. Bronzes were sent to the court of the Kangxi emperor around 1655, and Zanabazar is also said to have produced sculptures in metal and gemstones while visiting Beijing in 1691. Continuing the tradition of Nepali-style artistry at the imperial court begun by Anige during the Yuan period, Zanabazar’s bronzes profoundly influenced Qing art.

Zanabazar’s visit to Beijing in 1691 came at a politically significant moment. The lama had just convinced the Khalkhas to submit to the Qing empire at Dolonnor, siding with the Kangxi emperor against the Western Mongolian Dzungars. Forging closer ties with the Manchu emperor – there is a story that Kangxi attempted to test the lama when he first arrived, but that Zanabazar revealed these tricks and also delighted the emperor with displays of his powers – Zanabazar again visited Beijing in 1721 to participate in Kangxi’s birthday celebrations. When the emperor passed away soon afterwards, Zanabazar came once more to conduct rituals for his death at Beijing’s Yellow Monastery (Huang si 黃寺). The lama passed away himself in Beijing only a few months later, in 1723. His body was sent back to Mongolia and mummified. Kangxi’s son, the Yongzheng emperor, ordered a Chinese-style monastery dedicated to Zanabazar’s main tutelary deity, Maitreya, to be built at the place where the lama’s traveling Da Khuree had stood at the moment of the his death. This monastery, called Amur-Bayasqulangtu or “Monastery of Blessed Peace,” resembles Yongzheng’s own palace Yonghegong in Beijing (converted by his son the Qianlong emperor into a Buddhist monastery). The monastery’s sophisticated construction in such a remote location – north of the modern city of Darkhan, near the northern Outer Mongolian border – demonstrates the far reach of the Qing empire in the early eighteenth century. Yongzheng pledged 100,000 liang of silver to the monastery’s construction, which was not completed until a year after his own death in 1736. Zanabazar’s body finally found its way there in 1779 (the project thus spanning three different reign periods), and remained at the monastery until being carried off and lost during the revolution in Mongolia of 1920s and 1930s.

Sources:
Patricia Berger. 2003. Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China. University of Hawai’i Press.
Sabine Dabringhaus. 1997. “Chinese Emperors and Tibetan Monks: Religion as an Instrument of Rule,” in China and her neighbours. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag.
James L. Hevia. 1995. “A multitude of lords: The Qing Empire, Manchu rulership and interdomainal relations,” in Cherishing men from afar: Qing guest ritual and the Macartney embassy of 1793. Durham N.C.: Duke University Press.
Wang Xiangyun. 2000. “The Qing court’s Tibet connection: Lcang skya Rol pa’I rdo rje and the Qianlong Emperor.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 60 (1): 125-163.

Entry by Stacey Van Vleet, 3/28/07

[[#_ftnref1|[1]]] The date of this event is contested; it is variously cited as 1688, 1691, or 1693.

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Bsod nams rgya mtsho–The Third Dalai Lama

Bsod nams rgya mtsho (Sonam Gyatso), The Third Dalai Lama (1543–88)

Bsod nams rgya mtsho was the leading hierarch of the Dge lugs pa (Gelugpa) school of Tibetan Buddhism during a time when competition from rival sects within Central Tibet, especially the bKa’ rgyud pa, drove them to seek political and religious patronage from sponsors outside the Tibetan cultural regions. Such a practice of Tibetan Buddhist leaders seeking support from non-Tibetan patrons stretched back to the Yuan and had become established by the end of the Ming. This was due to the decentralized power of the Mongols that allowed different Tibetan Buddhist leaders to gain support from different branches of the Mongol imperial family. While the Tibetans did not have a centralized missionary aim, their own quest for patronage took place within the broader context of struggles between Mongol, Manchu, and Chinese groups over political and territorial primacy in Inner Asia.

Within such a context, the Mongols revived the lama-patron relationship in the late sixteenth century in an attempt to expand their political authority using Tibetan Buddhism. Altan Khan (1521–82), ruler of the Tumed Mongols, then the most powerful group in Inner Asia, met with Bsod nams rgya mtsho in the region of Kokonor (Tib. Mtsho kha/Mtsho sngon, Ch. Qinghai) in 1578. During this meeting, Altan Khan accepted Bsod nams rgya mtsho as his “spiritual guide and refuge” and gave him the title of “Dalai Lama.” In return, Bsod nams rgya mtsho gave Altan Khan the title of “Protector of the Faith.” Altan Khan’s conversion to the dGe lugs pas can be seen as part of a broader attempt to subvert his nominal superior, Tumen Khan (1558–92) of the Chakhar Mongols, who had cultivated relationships with the Sa skya pa, and who were allied with the declining Ming against the new Manchu state. Meanwhile, Bsod nams rgya mtsho gained for the Dge lugs pa the support of a powerful and wealthy patron, which enabled him to consolidate Dge lugs pa strongholds in Tibetan and Mongol regions as well gain the attention of the Ming court in Beijing.

The year after this meeting, Bsod nams rgya mtsho sent Stong ‘khor chos rje Yon tan rgya mtsho, the first Chahan lama, to Altan Khan as his representative to the Mongols. In 1583, Bsod nams rgya mtsho embarked on a second mission from Central Tibet, which took him first to the birthplace of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419), the founder of the Dge lugs pa school, in A mdo. Here, he founded an innovative Dge lugs pa school at Sku ‘bum (Kumbum Monastery) that later produced many Dge lugs pa missionaries to northeast Asia for the next two centuries. He also visited monasteries linked to Tsong kha pa’s disciple, Shakya Ye shes, and ensured their legacies as Dge lugs pa institutions. In 1585, Bsod nams rgya mtsho went to Koke khota (Tib. Mkhar sngon, Ch. Guihuacheng), the capital of Tumed Mongol territory, at the request of Altan Khan’s son. Here he established a translation school near the Chinese border. The next year, Bsod nams rgya mtsho visited the territory of the Kharchin Mongols, where he established another translation school. In 1588, he traveled further northeast at the invitation of the Khorchin. There he gave the Khorchin khan a Hevajra empowerment and consecrated the establishment of a monastic community. Owing to his reputation and activities among the Mongols, Bsod nams rgya mtsho was invited to the Ming court in 1588 by the Wanli emperor (r.1572–1620), who gave him the title of the Great Imperial Preceptor who Confers Initiations (Guanding tai guoshi). Bsod nams rgya mtsho was intending to accept this invitation when he fell ill and died in Mongol regions in 1588.

Before his death in 1588, bSod nams rgya mtsho predicted he would be reincarnated in Mongolia (indeed, the fourth Dalai Lama was recognized in the nephew of Altan Khan), thus beginning the line of Dalai Lama reincarnations that continues to play an important role in Tibetan religion and politics.

Sources:
Tak-sing Kam. The dGe-lugs-pa Breakthrough: The Uluk Darxan Nangsu Lama’s Mission to the Manchus. Central Asiatic Journal. 44:2 (2000) p. 161-176.
Evelyn S. Rawski. 1998. The last emperors: a social history of Qing imperial institutions. Berkeley: University of California Press. 244-262.
Gray Tuttle. “A Tibetan Buddhist Mission to the East: The Fifth Dalai Lama’s Journey to Beijing, 1652-1653.” In Tibetan Society and Religion: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Bryan Cuevas and Kurtis Schaeffer, eds. Leiden: Brill, 2006; 65-87.
Gray Tuttle. “Imperial Traditions” from Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China.

Entry by Eveline S. Yang, 3/27/07

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Dpal ldan bkra shis

Dpal ldan bkra shis (Palden Tashi)

Dpal ldan bkra shis (Chinese – Bandan zhashi, 1376-14–?) was a significant figure in Ming imperial interactions with Tibet through patronage of Tibetan Buddhism. He was a key participant in Beijing’s Buddhist activities during his tenure there, and was influential in the National Buddhist Registry (Senglusi). By way of example of his work in Beijing, Dpal ldan bkra shis is recorded to have translated Tibetan Buddhist texts into Chinese, acted as translator for the Fifth Karmapa, and ordained Ming officials. Under imperial order, the Huguosi temple was rebuilt as his personal residence in 1435 and a portrait statue of him was installed in perpetuity. Additionally, he was one of three clerics acknowledged in Fahaisi temple inscriptions as having played a critical role in the founding of this imperially sponsored Beijing temple. Fahaisi is located on Mt Cuiwei in the Shijingshan district of Beijing and bears typical marks of both Chinese and Tibetan iconography, making it useful for art historical investigations of “Sino-Tibetan” aesthetics. Dpal ldan bkra shis was given the title Jingjue ciji daguoshi or “Purely Enlightened Compassionately Helpful Great State Preceptor.”

Outside Beijing Dpal ldan bkra shis was instrumental in the construction and management of two imperially sponsored provincially located temples that served notably strategic political functions as well as religious ones. These were Qutansi in Qinghai (founded 1392), where he was abbot, and Lhun grub bde chen gling in Gansu, which he founded. Qutansi was originally a Bka’ brgyud temple with close ties to the Sa skya until Dge lugs pas became dominant there in the mid-16th century. It is located at the border of the Northwest Ming frontier and the Eastern edge of Amdo and its abbots were key figures in the Ming imperial courts’ interactions with Tibet. As the seat of the Xining Prefectural Buddhist Registry (Xining Senggangsi) Qutansi’s abbots had jurisdiction over 13 other temples and their estates. The Yongle emperor named Dpal ldan bkra shis abbot in 1408. Artistically, the temple’s exterior is distinctively Chinese, while the interior shows more Tibetan influence in terms of iconography and style.

Dpal ldan bkra shis founded Lhun grub bde chen gling (Longzhu deqinglin, formerly Da Chongjiaosi) in Minzhou, Gansu in 1428. Like the temples mentioned above, this temple exhibits objects and images of both Chinese and Tibetan styles. Dpal ldan bkra shis’s biography records that the imperial patronage of the project included the appointment of two high ministers, one hundred civil officials, 200 district officials, 1, 100 artisans, and 25,000 military corvee laborers. Thus it seems to have been the site of major imperial interest and attention, apparently due in large part to its strategic location.

Dpal ldan bkra shis’s fundamental involvement in these three temples is a key indicator of his role in the Ming imperial courts’ interfacing with Tibet/Tibetan Buddhism.

Source:
Debreczeny, Karl. “Sino-Tibetan Artistic Synthesis in Ming Dynasty Temples at the Core and the Periphery”

Entry by Dominique Townsend

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Monk Officials of Gling-Tshang

Monk Officials of Gling-Tshang

Under the rule of Ming Ch’eng-tsu, commonly referred to as the Yongle emperor, interest and diplomatic relations between China and the Gling-Tshang and Gon-gyo regions of Tibet began and developed. Although both regions, beyond the Szechwan (Sichuan) frontier, were initially important, the former eventually took precedence and its leader was allowed to be dubbed wang, translated as king. The two monks in Gling-Tshang and Gon-gyo were the only two monks dubbed wang outside of central Tibet.

A monk from the Gling-Tshang region named Chos-dpal-rgyal-mtshan served as the Chinese envoy’s contact in the Gling Tshang region. He was bestowed with the title on April 20, 1407, coincidentally the same day of the visit of the Fifth Karmapa to the Chinese Ming court. The emperor’s interest in Chos-dpal-rgyal-mtshan remained purely secular. Interested in opening up passages between China and Tibet, the Ming court focused on trade and, in the beginning, its need to obtain foreign horses. In 1456 or 1457, tribute was set at once every three years. Finally in 1482/1483 officials in the Ministry of Rites tried to streamline the ritual of tribute and mandated that tribute also include envoys limited to 150 per mission.

Sometimes known as the Tsan-shan wang (“prince who assists virtue”), the monk received a gift of letter patent, robes and damask brocades from the Yongle emperor’s envoy on March 31, 1405. The entry recording the gifts was the first to mention him by name. A similar gift was made to Od-zer-nam-mkha in the Gon-gyo region.

The next entry in the Ming shih-lu on Apil 20, 1407 records the emperor’s demand that both monks cooperate to “reestablish relay stations, so as to allow the passage of envoys of the western Regions.” At the same time, the Chinese court nominated a number of local leaders to military positions.

Military positions are also an indication of how dangerous the routes between Beijing and Tibet could be. One instance had a Ming envoy attacked at a relay station in Gling-tshang, which indicated the need for increased local cooperation.


Source:

Elliot Sperling. “Ming Ch’eng-tsu and the Monk Officials of Gling-tshang and Gon-gyo,” in Lawrence Epstein and Richard F. Sherburne, eds., Reflections on Tibetan Culture: Essays in Memory of Turrell V. Wylie, Lewiston, N.Y., 1990, pp. 75-90. 16pp.

Entry by Megan H. Chan

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The Fifth Karmapa

The Fifth Karmapa

The Fifth Karma-pa, (1384~1415), De-Bzhin gShegs-pa or Helima (Halima) (Chin.: 哈立麻), is the reincarnated head of the Black –Hat (Zwa-nag) Karmapas. The fifth Karma-pa was invited by Yongle emperor (Zhu Di, 朱棣) of the Ming dynasty in 1407, to perform a mass of universal salvation (pudu dazhai) at Linggu Monastery in honor of the Yongle emperor’s late father, the Hongwu emperor, and his late putative mother, the Empress Ma. The Fifth Karma-pa received a title “Rulai dabao fawang xitian dashan zizai fo” (Chin.:如來大寳法王西天大善自在佛; Tathagata, Great and Precious Dharma King, Great Goodness of the Western Heaven, Self-Abiding Buddha) during his stay in Nanjing.

What is worth noting is that the title “dabao fawang” (Chin.: 大寳法王) was initially bestowed by Mongol’s Yuan court to Phags-pa (1235-1280), a member of the Sakya sect of Buddhism. That two distinct figures who represent two sectarian traditions in Tibet received the same imperial title from Yuan and Ming dynasty respectively suggests that the title “dabao fawang” was an emblem of importance of Tibetan Buddhism for both Yuan and Ming dynasties in terms of legitimacy. The Yongle emperor’s uncertain origin and his usurping the power made it necessary for him to employ Tibetan Buddhism (then, called Buddhism without any qualifications) for the purpose of legitimacy. Sources from both Tibetan and Chinese sides glorify, or rather, apotheosize the Fifth Karma-pa and his visit. The Fifth Karma-pa, at a matter of fact, was destined to perform the magical powers from the Tibetan’s perspective, because he was the fifth exponent of a lineage of lamas especially noted for their ecstatic visions and magical powers. A silk handscroll that was first kept in Tsurphu Monastery and transferred to Norbulingkha in Lhasa afterwards illustrates the Fifth Karma-pa’s visit to Nanjing. By adding glory to the emperor and the Fifth Karma-pa, the surreal, magical signs that were described in historical records in both China and Tibet were translated into a non-Buddhist idiom and made to serve the legitimation of imperial power.

However, it would be oversimplified to suggest that the Fifth Karma-pa’s visit to Nanking, the capital of Ming dynasty and Mt. Wutai afterwards was merely a religious activity. During the early Ming dynasty, the Ming government might have been trying to obtain horses in Khams, fighting Tibetan tribes in A-mdo and drawing support from Tibetan Buddhism in a hope of legitimizing the newly usurped throne (in the case of Yongle emperor, particularly.) These aspects of the visit of The Fifth Karma-pa and the role of Tibetan Buddhism in early Ming dynasty deserve more attention.

Sources:
Berger, Patricia, Miracles in Nanjing: An Imperial Record of the Fifth Karmapa’s Visit to the Chinese Capital, Cultural Intersections in Later Chinese Buddhism, UH.P. 200
Sperling, Elliot, The 5th Karma-pa and Some Aspects of the Relationship Between Tibet and Early Ming, Tibetan Studies in honor of High Richardson: Proceedings of the International Seminar of Tibetan Studies, Oxford 1979, Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd. & Did the Early Ming Emperors Attempt to Implement A “Divide and Rule” Policy in Tibet?, Contributions on Tibetan Language, History and Culture, Wien, 1983 & Si-tu Chos-kyi rgyal-mtshan and the Ming Court, Lungta 13, Winter 2000
Silk, Jonathan A, Notes on the History of the Yongle Kanjur, Suhrllekhah: Festgabe für Helmut Eimer. Swisttal-Odendorf: Indica et Tiebtica Verlag, 1996

Entry by Lan Wu, 2/18/ 07

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Yongle Emperor

The Yongle Emperor / Chengzu

The Yongle emperor (1360 – 1424), born Zhudi, Chengzu or Cheng di, was the son of the founder of the Ming – the Hongwu emperor. Ascending to power in 1402 after a bloody civil war, in which he overthrew his own nephew, the Yongle emperor ambitiously commissioned public works projects for his new capital in Beijing and launched military expeditions far into Mongol territory and Southeast Asia. He is perhaps most well-known for commissioning eunuch and naval admiral Zheng He’s naval expeditions which reached the coast of Africa. One of his other most notable achievements was repairing the Grand Canal, which made Beijing directly accessible via waterway.

After winning the costly civil war, Chengzu was able to restore economic stability to the empire. His kingdom greatly benefited from the agricultural tax, and while his public works projects and diplomatic envoys began expanding and modernizing the kingdom, they eventually drained the country’s purses and led to economic instability after his death. The opening of the Grand Canal, the beautification of the Beijing capital (including the construction of the Forbidden City), grand maritime and military expeditions and other public works all took their toll on the government, specifically taxpayers, who found it hard to keep up with the government’s “progress.”

The Yongle emperor also promoted the use of paper currency –but confidence in it fell after his reign – and mandated an increase in mining quotas, which led to record and near surpluses of silver for the capital, but an economic crash when his successor scaled back mining practices.

Zhu Di died while on an expedition to what is now Inner Mongolia. He was the first emperor to be buried in the Ming Tombs, north of Beijing, and is entombed in the complexes largest mausoleum.


Sources:

Atwell, William S. “Time, Money, and the Weather: Ming China and the “Great Depression” of the Mid-Fifteenth Century.” The Journal of Asian Studies. 2002.
Kapstein, Matthew T. “The Tibetans.” Blackwell Publishing. Cambridge, England, 2006.

Entry by Megan H. Chan

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Sangge

Sangge/Sangko (? – 1291)

This Tibetan (Kamalok) statesman rose to power quickly from his first meeting with Pakpa to his official appointment in Qubilai Khan’s court. He was also rumored to be of Ughyur descent and little recorded history exists considering his early years. As the head of the Sino-Mongol financial empire, Sangge’s control went unchecked by the emperor and was characterized in memory by corruption, oppression and tyranny.

Fluent in Mongolian, Chinese, Uyghur, Tibetan and other languages, Sangge ascended to power mainly through his interpreting skills, which gained him favor with ‘Phags pa. During his appointment in the Zongzhi yuan (created in 1264), Sangge enjoyed the favor and protection of the lama who in turn introduced him to Qubilai Khan. 1272 is the first year on record where Sangge is mentioned as an imperial official.

Sangge’s power climaxed in 1287, when he was appointed as chancellor of the right of the Supreme Secretariat. At the same time, he served as the head of Zongzhi yuan and another governmental body in charge of Buddhist pious works. Sangge continued his power by influencing the appointments underneath him, giving him full control of his bureaucracy.

Sangge strengthened the Mongolian military grasp over Tibet, strategically distributing troops at the center and border of the territory. This marked the first permanent occupation of Tibet by Chinese imperial troops. Soon after, Sangge focused his efforts on reorganizing the Tibetan postal service – a move that failed due to the immense pressure it exerted on residents who lived in postal districts and quickly fled. At his golden years in power, Sangge also continued to reform the country’s currency system.

In his incredibly powerful position, Sangge only needed to answer to the emperor himself, an unchecked power system that eventually led to his downfall. When the emperor was finally made aware of Sangge’s disrespectful etiquette and corruption (for example, he unsealed a box of fruit sent from the emperor as tribute), he ordered Sangge executed. After a long delay and governmental seizure of his family’s assets, Sangge was executed on Aug. 17, 1291.


Source:

Luciano Petech, Sang-ko, a Tibetan statesman in Yüan China. Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientarium Hungaricae 34:193-208. 1980

Entry by Megan H. Chan, 2/12/07

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Shalopa

Sha-lo-pa Kuan-chao/ Shaluopa Guanzhao/ Shes rab dpal

Sha-lo-pa Kuan-chao沙羅巴was a Tibetan Buddhist cleric, introduced to the Mongol court by his influential teacher, ’Phags-pa Lama. He then spent the greater part of his life in China, not only as a monk cooperating with the government managing Buddhist affairs, but also as a scholar, who was versed in many languages, translating Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. The effort to reconstruct Sha-lo-pa’s life with clues found in Western literature and Tibetan sources is challenging, since there is no substantial information on his biography. He is merely mentioned along side Tibetan Buddhism under the Mongols in the 13th and 14th centuries. The only account regarding his life is in Chinese, in Fozu Lidai Tongzai 佛祖歷代通載, “Encyclopedia of Buddha and his patriarchs under successive dynasties,” an annalistic chronicle compiled by the Ch’an monk Nien-ch’ang. The following is a broad view of Sha-lo-pa’s biography in Fo-tsu li-tai t’ung-tsai:

Sha luo ba (1259-1314) came from Jining 積寧. His personal name was Sha luo ba Guanzhao. Due to the facts that he had spent a great part of his life in China and befriended with many Chinese intellectuals, he also adopted a Chinese name (hao), Xueyan xue yan 雪岩 “Snow Cliff”. He was the youngest of four brothers. At a very young age, he already shaved his head and became a monk, following the guidance of the Imperial Preceptor ’Phags-pa. ’Phags-pa ordered him to go to La-wen-pu, whose knowledge of the essentials of the esoteric Buddhism was impressive, and studied with him.

Sha luo ba’s role in translation is important. When Emperor Shizu [Qubilai] received lectures from the imperial Preceptor ’Phags-pa, Sha luo ba was ordered to translate his words. The emperor was impressed by his translation and honored him as Greatly Discerning and Vastly Wise Teacher of the Law大辯廣智法師 (Dabian Guangzhi Fashi). Later the Imperial Preceptor Grags-pa ‘od-zer recommended Sha-lo-pa to the emperor as the candidate to translate the esoteric materials, which were to be distributed widely. Treated with great respect and honor, the people from the former Tangut state of Xi Xia always addressed him with his family instead of personal name.

In 1295, Sha-lo-pa was made Inspector-General of the Buddhist Religion in all of Jiangzhe江浙等處釋教都總統. In 1298, he was appointed as Inspector-General of the Buddhist Religion in all of Fujian統福廣. Even after he expressed his wish for retirement, the emperor still consulted him about the Buddhist Law. Sometime during 1308-1312, Sha luo ba was summoned by the crown prince and honored with the rank of Guanglu dafu situ光祿大夫司徒. Afterwards, Sha-lo-pa resided in the Temple of Felicitous Longevity慶壽寺 (Qingshou si) until he passed away in 1314, aged 56.

During his life time, Sha luo ba brought Anike/Anige/Aniko (1244-1306), an architect and sculptor from Nepal to China. Aniko influenced Chinese sculpture greatly and planned the construction of the White Stupa (Baita si) in Beijing.


Sources:

Herbert Franke.1985. Sha-lo-pa (1259-1314), a Tangut Buddhist monk in Yüan China, Religion und Philosophie in Ostasien, Festschrift für Hans Steininger zun 65. Geburstag. Wuurzburg: Könighausen & Neumann. 22pp. 佛光大辭典

Entry by Agnes Lin, 2/13/07

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Yang Lianzhenjia

Yang Lianzhenjia 楊璉真加 (Tib. Yang Rin chen skyabs) (fl. 1277-1292)

Yang Lianzhenjia’s place of origin and background are unknown, but he may have been Tibetan or Tangut. His early career is completely obscure, but we know he was a protégé of Sangge 桑哥 (alt. Sengge, Sang-ko, Sangga, Samgha) before the Mongol conquest of the Song in 1276.

In 1277, Yang Lianzhenjia was appointed Supervisor of the Buddhist Teaching South of the (Yangzi) River (Jiangnan zongshe zhang shijiao 江南總攝掌釋教), a post under the Bureau of General Regulations (Zongzhi yuan總制院). He was headquartered in Hangzhou and held unlimited control over Buddhist monasteries and sacred sites in former Song dynasty territories. Up until 1285, he is credited as having restored to the Buddhists dozens of stupas and temples that had been converted to secular or Daoist use under the Song. Several hundreds of Daoists are said to have been made to abandon their faith and become Buddhist monks.

In 1285, Yang Lianzhenjia destroyed the buildings and grounds that had formally been the Song imperial tombs near Shaoxing. He seized the mausoleum of the Ningzong emperor of the Song and converted it for Buddhist use on the basis that the entire site had originally been a great Buddhist temple. In 1286, Yang obtained court support to command complete control over lands and fields formerly belonging to Buddhist temples in the greater Hangzhou region. The financial proceeds of these lands were to be handed directly to him presumably for the maintenance and repair of Buddhist sites in his charge. Both of these events had been permitted and approved by Yang’s superior, Sangge, without the knowledge of the emperor. Sangge, in 1287, had acquired exceptional power as Supreme Chancellor of the Right (you chengxiang 右丞相) in the newly reestablished Supreme Secretariat (shangshu sheng尚書省) while retaining his position as the head of the Bureau of General Regulations.

In 1288, Yang Lianzhenjia reported to the court that the former Song dynasty palaces had been converted into stupas and Buddhist temples, and that the funds to support these grand structures should be come from the seizure of additional lands. The cornerstone for one hall had yet to be installed, and Yang proposed that a stele on which the nine Confucian classics were inscribed in Song emperor Gaozu’s own handwriting be used for the purpose. The motion met with significant local resistance and was ultimately prevented.

By 1291, reports of Yang’s actions reached the emperor and even Sangge was unable to avoid official investigation. It took more than a year for authorities to complete an inventory of riches Yang Lianzhenjia appropriated, which included lavish stores of paper money, gold, silver, and jade, as well as ownership records of unreported agricultural lands. Furthermore, young women offered to him as bribes were “confiscated” and sent to the capital and he was implicated in the deaths of four people.

The official record of Yang’s activities cannot be interpreted without noting the potential bias of Chinese historians. Yang Lianzhenjia may have understood his actions as being within the context of establishing and protecting Buddhism throughout the realm. For example, in addition to restoring temples and constructing new sacred sites, Yang commissioned the carving of esoteric Buddhist stone sculptures on the caves of Feilai Feng 飛來峰. However, the aggressiveness and grandeur with which Yang carried out his duties offended Chinese sensibilities and he remains to this day the controversial figure responsible for the desecration of the Song imperial tombs.


Sources:

Herbert Franke. “Tibetans in Yüan China.” In China among equals: the Middle Kingdom and its neighbors, 10th-14th centuries. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983
Luciano Petech. “Sang-ko, a Tibetan statesman in Yüan China.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientarium Hungaricae 34 (1980):193-208
Heather Karmay. Early Sino-Tibetan Art. Aris and Phillips, 1975. p. 24.

Entry by Neil E. McGee, 2/2/2007

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Ye Shes Rin Chen

Ye Shes Rin Chen/ Yi Lin Zhen (1248-1294)

The fourth Imperial Preceptor Ye shes rin chen was born in 1248 to the east of Sa skya Monastery in Central Tibet. He was a child prodigy and mastered his seminary studies at a young age. His specialty was the Kālacakra-tantra. In fact, in Tibetan historiography he is remembered more for his contribution to the Kālacakra lineage than his role as Imperial Preceptor. For instance, in a recently published who’s who of Tibetan historical figures his primary title is that of Kālacakra master (dus ‘khor ba), not Imperial Preceptor.

Ye shes rin chen was a close associate of ‘Phags pa. The latter lived in and around Sa skya from 1264-1269, while Ye shes rin chen would have been a monk at that great center of learning. Recognizing his scholarship and proficiency in ritual arts, ‘Phags pa invited him to Lintao in 1272. Ye shes rin chen accompanied ‘Phags pa to the Yuan court in 1275. There he met Kublai Khan and gained his favor. ‘Phags pa then returned to Tibet, while Ye shes rin chen remained behind in Dadu to serve as a chaplain at the court.

The office of Imperial Preceptor was created for ‘Phags pa in 1270. The ritual traditions ‘Phags pa was famous for were considered his family’s unique heritage, and the succeeding two Imperial Preceptors were members of his family. Most of the subsequent Imperial Preceptors were also relatives of ‘Phags pa. Nevertheless, Ye shes rin chen proved to be an outstanding diplomat and ritual specialist, and in 1268 this monk born outside of the Sa skya family was made Imperial Preceptor. His tenure lasted from 1268-1294. The fourth Imperial Preceptor – and Kālacakra master – Ye shes rin chen died at Wutai Shan in the last year of his reign, 1294.

Sources:
Luciano Petech. 1983. Tibetan Relations with Sung China and the Mongols. In China among equals: the Middle Kingdom and its neighbors, 10th-14th centuries. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 173-204
Rinchen trashi. “Tibetan Buddhism and the Yuan Royal Court.” Tibet Studies. pp. 1-26; Ming mdzod. 1992. Dus ‘khor ba Ye shes rin chen entry. p. 824.

Entry by Jann Ronis, 2/13/07

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