Renzong

Renzong

Jen-tsung/Renzong (1139-1193) ruled the Mi-nyag/Minyak (a.k.a. Tangut or Xi Xia) people from 1169-1193. The relationships he formed with Tibetan Buddhist lamas is recognized as having marked the origin of imperial preceptorship (ti-shi), an institution that would be replicated in subsequent relations between Buddhist teachers and Central or East Asian rulers. Jen-tsung sponsored large-scale Buddhist ceremonies as well as the publishing of Buddhist canons in Chinese, Tibetan and Tangut languages. His extensive support of and close interaction with Buddhists laid the ground and provided a model for later dynasties’ involvement with Tibetan Buddhism. The legacy of his patronage of Buddhism also contributed to the posterity of Mi-nyag, a culture whose history might otherwise have been obscured completely.

Source:
Dunnell, Ruth. “The Hsia Origins of the Yuan Institution of Imperial Preceptor,” in Asia Major. Third Series. Vol. 1, part 1, 1992. p 85-111.

Lama Shuo

Qianlong’s Pronouncement on Lamas (Lama shuo)

In this 1792 stele pronouncement found in the Yonghe Gong, the Qianlong emperor declared formal Qing patronage over the dGe-lugs-pa which was enjoying high popularity among its Mongol followers. This Pronouncement was inscribed in Chinese, Manchu, Mongol and Tibetan, signifying the Manchu’s (and ultimately Qianlong’s) claim to universal rulership as the Court officially recognised both the Dalai and Panchen Lamas. The Pronouncement claimed that unlike the Mongols, the Qing has never used the term “di shi” (imperial preceptor) to represent the relationship between the Emperor and the leading Tibetan Lama. However, the term “guo shi” or “Teacher of the Kingdom” was only reserved for Lcang Skya who was the Qianlong Emperor’s confidante, as well as the leading Lama representing the Qing Court in Tibetan affairs. Since Qianlong explicitly rejects claims that the Lama had any spiritual superiority over the Emperor and re-establishes the hierarchy of rulership between Lamas and patron. The pronouncement also declared that the process of picking the future Dalai Lama would no longer be concentrated within the hands of certain Tibetan or Mongolian lineages. Instead, the names of the potential incarnates would be placed in a golden urn and selected in a public ceremony to ensure impartiality. This was also in response to the accusations of the defeated Nepalese Gurkhas, (and some Chinese) who claimed that the Qing merely patronised the dGe-lugs-pa for the sake of political expediency in keeping the Mongols in check. However, Qianlong, in the edict, proclaimed in the Manchu inscription that as a devote Tibetan Buddhist, he not only understood but had the right to make the changes that he did as Emperor.

Sources:
Patricia Berger. 2003. Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China. U Hawaii Press pp 34-5, James L. Hevia. 1995. Lamas, Emperors, and Rituals

Entry: 4/28/07

The Kangxi Emperor

The Kangxi Emperor

The Kangxi Emperor (May 4, 1654-December 20, 1722) was the fourth emperor of the Manchu Qing dynasty and the second emperor after the capital was moved to Beijing. He ascended the throne at the age of seven. Over a span of 61 years from 1661 to 1722, he became the emperor with the longest reign in Chinese history. During his early reign, the Four Regents, appointed by his father Emperor Shunzhi, were the ones with real power. In 1669 with the help of the Dowager Empress Xiao Zhuang, the Kangxi Emperor began to gain real power and control over the empire.

After the Kangxi Emperor started to rule the empire, he immediately faced three major challenges: the flood of the Yellow River, the repairing of the Grand Canal and the Revolt of the Three Feudatories led by Wu Sangui in 1973. The Kangxi Emperor, though wanting to crush the revolt himself, left the responsibility to his capable generals Zhou Pei Gong and Tu Hai. Later he led the campaign against the Mongol Dzungars.

As for the Ming loyalists in his empire, people that remained loyal to the Ming dynasty and refused to cooperate with and served the Qing dynasty, the Kangxi Emperor commissioned them to compile the Kangxi Dictionary. It could be seen as the Kangxi emperor’s way of involving Ming scholars in an imperial project. Kangxi was also interested in learning western technology and instruments. Hence, he established good relationships with Jesuit missionaries, who brought the western influences to China.

One of the great debates during the Kangxi emperor’s reign is the one regarding his successor. After he twice abolished the succession going to the then Crown Prince, Yinreng, whom Kangxi picked as his successor is still unclear. Yongzheng, the 4th Prince, succeeded. However, many believed that Kangxi actually chose Yinti, the 14th Prince, and that the Yongzheng emperor altered the will to ascend the throne. Who was Kangxi’s intended successor is still an on-going debate.

Entry by Agnes Lin. 03/26/ 2007

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Hong Taiji

Hong Taiji (r. 1626-1643)

Hong Taiji, also known as Abahai, ascended the throne after the death of his father, Nurhaci in 1626 through strategic political manoeuvres among the Jurchen Banners. He consolidated and established the Qing dynasty in 1636 after a series of aggressive campaigns against the Mongols in Inner Asia. Hong Taiji also changed the name of the Jurchens to Manchus, as well as the dynastic name of Later Jin to that of Qing, signifying a break from their Jurchen Jin (1115AD-1134) predecessors who were contented to remain in the Northern parts of China rather than conquering the whole of China. Even though Hong Taiji had proclaimed himself as Emperor (huangdi), indicating his propensity for military expansion and conquest of China, he never saw the Manchu Banners enter Beijing because of his death in 1643.

Hong Taiji, who was part Mongol, followed in his father’s footsteps and continued the patronage of Tibetan Buddhism and set about the precedent for the consolidation of relationship among the Manchus, Tibetans and Mongols through the policy of using Tibetan Buddhism (first through Sa-skya-pa and then the dGe-lugs-pa later on in the dynasty) as a mediator It is likely that both Nurhaci and Hong Taiji did see themselves as Buddhist rulers who tied their source of legitimacy and power to Tibetan Buddhism, especially to Tantric doctrines, as a means of control over the overwhelmingly Tibetan Buddhist Mongol population in Inner Asia. This is most evident after Hong Taiji defeated the Chahar leader, Ligdan Khan; and was presented with the Mahakala statue as a form of tribute. He actively moved the Mahakala statue, a symbolic emblem of Mongol right to rule, to Mukden, in modern day Shenyang and then capital of the Manchus. The Mahakala statue, as the protector deity of the Mongols, represented the lasting patronage of the Mongol aristocracy’s to the Sa skya pa sect of Tibetan Buddhism, thus suggesting Hong Taiji’s continuation of a similar attitude towards Tibetan Buddhism. Hong Taiji initiated the building of the Mahakala Temple in 1635 and later extended the building of the complex in 1643, encircling Mukden and the Mahakala Temple within a mandala with four other temples and adjoining stupas. The project was completed in 1645, after the death of Hong Taiji. The Mahakala statue would later be moved to Beijing after the Manchus captured China and established its capital there. Hong Taiji’s appropriation of the Mahakala statue is seen as the public transfer of authority from the Mongols to the Manchus, as well as claims to the legitimacy of the cakravartin ruler.

Sources:
Crossley, Pamela, 1999. A translucent mirror: history and identity in Qing imperial ideology. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 221-246, 262-273
Rawski, Evelyn, 1998. The last emperors: a social history of Qing imperial institutions. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rulership: 197-201
Grupper, Samuel, 1984. Manchu Patronage and Tibetan Buddhism during the First Half of the Ch’ing Dynasty: a review article. The Journal of the Tibet Society 4:47-74.
Elverskog, Johan, 2006. Our Great Qing: The Mongols, Buddhists and the State in Late Imperial China. Ch3-4, pp. 63-126.

Entry by ShiQi Wu, 3/20/07

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Nurhaci

Nurghaci / Nurhaci-Qing Taizu

Nurhaci 努爾哈赤 (1558-1626), a member of the Gioro clan of the Suksuhu River tribe, became the national founder after he consolidated the Manchu tribes, declared himself Khan in 1616 and founded the Jin dynasty, which later ruled China as the Qing dynasty.

Starting from 1583, Nurhaci began unifying the Jurchen bands. He beheaded Nikan Wailan, the Jurchen chieftain who killed his father and grandfather. In 1618, Nurhaci commissioned a document, the Seven Great Vexations, enumerating seven grievances against the Ming. It acted as a pretext for his rebelling against the Ming dynasty. Throughout his life, he led many successful military campaigns against the Ming dynasty, the Koreans, the Mongols and the Jurchen clans.

Sometime before 1621, due to the growing influence of Buddhism, Nurhaci appointed his lama, the Olug Darhan Nagso, as Dharma master of the Manchu realm. This instance marked the beginning of the Manchu imperial patronage of the Tibetan Buddhism. His most important achievement was probably the creation and organization of the Eight Banners system, which formed the strong military backbone throughout the Qing dynasty.

In 1625, just a year before his death, Nurhaci moved the capital to Shenyang and depended on the help of his Chinese officials to develop a civil administration. In 1626, he was seriously wounded during the battle against the Ming general Yuan Chonghuan in Ningyuan. He died 2 days later.

Sources:
· The Columbia Encyclopedia, Six Edition. 2001-05. Samuel M. Grupper. 1984. Manchu Patronage and Tibetan Buddhism during the First Half of the Ch’ing ‘
Dynasty: a review article. The Journal of the Tibet Society 4:47-74. pp.27

Entry by Agnes Lin. 3/6/07

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The Shunzi Emperor

Shizu/The Shunzhi Emperor/Fulin (also Shih-tsu and Shun-chih)

During his time as emperor, Hong Taiji’s son Fulin was known as the Qing Shizu or the Shunzhi Emperor (1638-1661, r. 1644-1661). He was the third Manchu emperor, following Emperor Taizong (r. 1626-43). In 1653 he received the Fifth Dalai Lama in Peking and 20th century sources claim that he publicly demonstrated his support of Tibetan Buddhism during the Dalai Lama’s visit. The Dalai Lama is sometimes said to have presented Shunzhi with a golden plate that said, “ God of the Sky, Manjughosha-Emperor and Great Being” (Tib. Gnam gyi lha ‘jam dbyangs gong ma bdag po chen po) although this has not yet been confirmed by Qing sources. The Chinese monk Ngag dbang blo bzang whom the Shunzhi emperor appointed to oversee Wutaishan in 1660 requested the composition of one of the earliest examples of books printed in China for the Mongols. In this guidebook to Wutaishan, called Uta-yin tabun agulan-u orosil susugten-u cikin cimeg, the Qing emperor is referred to as the “reincarnation of Manjushri.” Shunzhi was also posthumously referred to as the “sublime Manjusri Shunzhi” in the first Lcang-skya Qutugtu’s biography written by Ngag dbang chos ldan in 1729. In addition to and perhaps surpassing his connections with Tibetan Buddhists, he was closely affiliated with Chan monks, some of whom lived in the imperial palace during his reign.

Sources:
Crossley, Pamela. 1999. A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Farquhar, David. 1978. “Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch’ing Empire,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 38 (1): 5-34.

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The Yongzheng Emperor

Qing Shizong/Yinzhen (The Yongzheng Emperor)

The Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723–35) was the son of the Kangxi emperor (r. 1661-1722), and the father of the Qianlong emperor (r. 1735-96). The period of the 18th century was significant in establishing the relationship between the emperors and their bureaucracies, while marginalizing the power of the aristocracy. Despite his short reign, the Yongzheng emperor’s greatest contribution was consolidating the power of the monarch within the bureaucracy, thus ending the serious threats to power posed by the Manchu princes. He ran his own intelligence and command network and adapted a military command office called the “Grand Council” to streamline control over many areas of governance. Historical studies point to the existence of two court bureaucracies, those of an “inner” and “outer,” which continued under the Qianlong reign. The “outer” bureaucracy was found in the statutes of empire, which were resurrected from the Ming, while the “inner” bureaucracy was a series of extra-statutory innovations that preserved a direct line of imperial power against that of the bureaucracy.

As seen in previous dynasties, religion and ideology played important roles in the ruling of empire. Numerous historical studies on the Qing era have shown their willingness to entertain and employ different religious and ideological frameworks for their diverse polities. The Yongzheng emperor’s contributions to Buddhism and Confucianism may be viewed in the context of an ongoing struggle between court literati as well as the emperor to define the basic tenets of emperorship, and thus the normative interpretations of different ideologies. Thought to be partial to Chan Buddhism, the Yongzheng emperor established a Buddhist publishing house and prepared a nineteen-volume anthology of what he regarded as model Buddhist writings in Chinese, entitled Yu xuan yu lu (御选语录) in 1732. He also showed support for Tibetan Buddhism by donating the Yonghegong Monastery to the dGe lugs pa sect in 1722 (in which his son, the Qianlong emperor was born). While the Qing emperors were generally hesitant to proclaim themselves as Buddhist kings or reincarnations, especially to their Chinese constituents, an inscription erected in 1744 by the Qianlong emperor honors his father by hinting that his father achieved buddhahood, not through reincarnation, but through his own spiritual piety.

The widely-distributed, multilingual “Sacred Edicts,” Shengyu guangxun (圣谕广训) of 1724 may be an example of the Yongzheng emperor’s attempt to negotiate and align the diverse ideologies of his empire. It contained the imperially-sanctioned view of universal doctrines of state, society, and morals, which were to be taught to and obeyed by all subjects in the empire. The famous “Lecture on Heterodox Doctrines” (VII) in the Chinese version, states:

From ancient times, three religions have continued in propagation, that is, the school of Confucianism and besides this, those of Taoism and Buddhism. The philosopher Zhu Xi says that Buddhism does not bother with the material universe but considers only the subject of the mind, and that Taoism merely aims at the preservation of the spiritual essence of man. This fair statement from Zhu Xi clarifies the fundamental objects of Buddhism and Taoism. But a class of loafers, with neither livelihood nor abode, has since come forth to usurp the name of these religions and corrupt the practical use of the same…

However, the Mongolian version points out that this clarification of the roles of Buddhism and Taoism targets Chinese Buddhism and pre-Buddhist religions, demonstrating the use of language in the filtering of imperial communications.

Of note is the reference to Zhu Xi (1130-1200), whose Confucian ideologies were declared “orthodox” by the Yuan in 1313 in response to petitions from Chinese literati. Zhu Xi’s attraction as an imperial ideology may be found in his rhetorical “dualism” that enabled a construction, upon moral grounds, of a subject-object relationship between the emperor and his domain. However, Zhu Xi’s claim that any person endeavoring toward and achieving sagehood could become such a moral ruler was contested particularly by Qianlong. This reflected the differing views on rulership held by the Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong emperors. The Yongzheng emperor promoted the idea of emperorship as found in the “Great Righteousness Resolving Confusion” where civilization was absolute and the emperor was the personal embodiment of civilization. The goal of the ruler was the erosion of cultural differences and achievement of a morally correct world. However, the Qianlong emperor later repudiated this view, putting forth his own emphasis on the identity of the emperor as absolute, not civilization. In this framework, the emperor was the single consciousness that transcended all civilizations and the goal of ruler was the clarification of cultural differences, which would confirm the universal competence of the emperor.

Sources:

Pamela Kyle Crossley.1992. The Rulerships of China. The American historical review, 1468-1483.
David Farquhar . 1978. Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch’ing Empire. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 38 (1): 5-34.
Pamela Kyle Crossley.1999. A translucent mirror: history and identity in Qing imperial ideology. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 221-246, 262-273.

Entry by Eveline S. Yang 3/20/07

Yongle Emperor

The Yongle Emperor / Chengzu

The Yongle emperor (1360 – 1424), born Zhudi, Chengzu or Cheng di, was the son of the founder of the Ming – the Hongwu emperor. Ascending to power in 1402 after a bloody civil war, in which he overthrew his own nephew, the Yongle emperor ambitiously commissioned public works projects for his new capital in Beijing and launched military expeditions far into Mongol territory and Southeast Asia. He is perhaps most well-known for commissioning eunuch and naval admiral Zheng He’s naval expeditions which reached the coast of Africa. One of his other most notable achievements was repairing the Grand Canal, which made Beijing directly accessible via waterway.

After winning the costly civil war, Chengzu was able to restore economic stability to the empire. His kingdom greatly benefited from the agricultural tax, and while his public works projects and diplomatic envoys began expanding and modernizing the kingdom, they eventually drained the country’s purses and led to economic instability after his death. The opening of the Grand Canal, the beautification of the Beijing capital (including the construction of the Forbidden City), grand maritime and military expeditions and other public works all took their toll on the government, specifically taxpayers, who found it hard to keep up with the government’s “progress.”

The Yongle emperor also promoted the use of paper currency –but confidence in it fell after his reign – and mandated an increase in mining quotas, which led to record and near surpluses of silver for the capital, but an economic crash when his successor scaled back mining practices.

Zhu Di died while on an expedition to what is now Inner Mongolia. He was the first emperor to be buried in the Ming Tombs, north of Beijing, and is entombed in the complexes largest mausoleum.


Sources:

Atwell, William S. “Time, Money, and the Weather: Ming China and the “Great Depression” of the Mid-Fifteenth Century.” The Journal of Asian Studies. 2002.
Kapstein, Matthew T. “The Tibetans.” Blackwell Publishing. Cambridge, England, 2006.

Entry by Megan H. Chan

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Köden

Köden (Died between 1253-1260)

Köden was Ögödei Khan’s second son and primarily had his seat of power located in Liangzhou, which had been under the rule of the Xia Empire. According to historical records, Köden was likely the first member of the Mongol ruling house that came into contact with the Sa skya Sect of Tibetan Buddhism when he launched an attack on Tibet in 1240AD. Dor-ta, the general who led the army into Tibet, had intended to return to Liangzhou with the Bri gung abbot. The abbot was to give advice and instruct the Mongols on the Buddhist doctrine. However, the Bri gung abbot, for fear of his life, declined the invitation and instead suggested to Dor-ta that the Sa skya Pandita was perhaps a better choice for the job. As a result, Köden summoned the Sa skya Pandita in 1244 and the first historical meeting between a member of the Mongol ruling house and leader of a Tibetan Buddhist sect occurred in 1246. Later Tibetan histories claimed that Sa skya Pandita was given a new political role where he was incorporated into the Mongol bureaucracy as the representative of the new rulers in Tibet. During Köden’s contact with the Sa skya Pandita, the latter healed Köden from an illness which was said to have been one of the reasons he was by-passed as a candidate to the position of Khan. However, in another little known work of ‘Phags pa, the first Imperial Preceptor under Kubilai Khan, he mentioned that Köden had received special blessings from the Sa skya Pandita and was able to “speedily produce a son”. As a reward for the Pandita’s act, Köden gave him the local temple Sprul pa’i sde (白塔寺 Baitasi or White Stupa Temple) where the Sa skya Pandita was later buried in 1251.

After the death of Güyüg Khan, a series of power struggles came into play with Möngke Khan emerging victorious. The members of the new Mongol ruling house took over patronage of the different Tibetan sects. The Sa skya sect was still left in the care of Köden while Khubilai, Möngke’s younger brother was given the Tshal pa sect. However, on his way back from an attack in Sichuan around 1252-53, Kubilai requested that Koöen hand over Phags pa, the Sa Skya Pandita’s nephew and had a personal audience with him. Kubilai was impressed with the wisdom of ‘Phags pa and consequently honored him with the title of Imperial Preceptor some years later. Köden’s influence and authority over the Sa skya sect was thus transferred to Kubilai Khan.


Sources:

Luciano Petech. 1983. Tibetan Relations with Sung China and the Mongols, In China among equals: The Middle Kingdom and its neighbors, 10th – 14th Centuries. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 173-204
Drashi Rinchen, Tibetan Buddhism and the Yuan Royal Court, In Tibetan Studies, pp 1-26.
Chris Beckwith, 1987, Tibetan Science at the Court of the Great Khans, In Tibetan Society Vol. 7. pp 5-11.

Entry by ShiQi Wu, 1/30/07

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Chengzong, Wenzong, Shundi

Borijigin Temur (r. 1294-1307)
Chengzong

Chengzong was Kubilai Khan’s grandson and succeeded to the throne after his grandfather’s death when the Crown Prince (his father) Zhenjin passed away. Chengzong continued the legacy that his grandfather left behind continuing the patronage of Tibetan Buddhism. When requested by the Imperial Preceptor Gragspa ‘od zer to pardon Danyi Chenpo Zangpo Pal, a member of the Khon family, Chengzong, due to great respect for the Imperial preceptor appointed by his grandfather, Chengzong gave his consent. Chengzong appointed Rinchen Gyaltsen in 1305 as his Imperial Preceptor. However, Rinchen rgyal _ would serve only a short period of time before his untimely death. Chengzong offered 500 taels of gold, 1000 taels of silver 10 000 bolts of cloth and paper cash worth of 3000 silver ingots and built a stupa and temple in memory of him. Chengzong would then grant the title of Imperial Preceptor to Sang rgyal dpal who would eventually serve Chengzong, Wuzong and Renzong until is death in 1314.

Jijaghatu Toq-Temür (r. 1328-1329 and 1329-1332)
Wenzong

Wenzong ascended the throne in 1328 but was forced to abdicate a year later when his older brother, Qoshila Qutuqtu (Mingzong Emperor), returned from Central Asia with a powerful military force to reclaim the throne. However, after the mysterious death of Mingzong in 1329, Wenzong regained the throne and ruled briefly till 1332. During his reign, Wenzong granted the title of Imperial Preceptor to Rin chen bkra shis (who was the last imperial preceptor recorded in the Biographies of Eminent Buddhist Monks and Taoists) in 1328.

Toghan-Temür (r. 1333-1370)
Shundi

Shundi was the last emperor of the Yuan dynasty and continued to rule under the dynastic name even after being expelled from China by Ming forces. He was said to have received tantric teachings from the fourth Karmapa, Rol pa’i rdo rje who was invited to the Court during Huizong’s reign in China to help pacify and receive blessings from deities to help stabilize the problems that the Mongols were facing at the end of their rule. Shundi’s rule added controversy to the already unpopular Tibetab Buddhism among the Chinese officials. When erotic rites and practices were performed publicly in Shundi’s court and Chinese officials registered their disgust and shock at such acts of debauchery. Moreover, an offering of human hearts and livers to Mahakala was attested by the Imperial Preceptor during Shundi’s reign. The Chinese officials who did not understand the significance of such rituals in Tibetan Buddhist practices often protested against such extravagant displays of rituals which added to the hostility between the Chinese and Tibetan lamas.


Sources:

Herbert Franke, Tibetans in Yuan China: China among equals: the Middle Kingdom and its neighbor, 10th – 14th Centuries, UC, P, 1983
Drashi Rinchen, Tibetan Buddhism and the Yuan Royal Court, In Tibet Studies, pp 1-26.

Entry by ShiQi Wu, 2/11/07