Zanabazar Jebtsundamba Khutuktu

Zanabazar, the first Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu (Jetsun Dampa Khutuktu)

Zanabazar (1635-1723) was the initial incarnation of the Urga or Jebtsundamba (rje btsun dam pa) lineage of the western Outer Mongolian (Khalkha) monastery Erdeni Zuu. Recognized by the Fifth Dalai Lama when he was twenty-five, Zanabazar later held a close relationship with the Kangxi emperor and is credited with convincing the Khalkha Mongols to submit to the Qing empire – and not to culturally alien Russia – around 1691.[[#_ftn1|[1]]] After this, Kangxi bestowed upon Zanabazar the title “Da Lama,” and in turn the lama alluded to their reenactment of Khubilai Khan and Phakpa’s close relationship during the Yuan dynasty. In addition to his spiritual and political roles, Zanabazar was renowned in his own time up to the present for the intricate and elegant sculpture he created in a Nepali-derived style.

In 1639, at the age of fifteen, Zanabazar (son of the Khalkha Tshuyetu Khan Gombodorji) was accepted as an incarnate lama by a convocation of Khalkha nobles at Erdeni Zuu. The Khalkha Khan may have been trying to usurp some of the power of the Gelugpa (dge lugs pa) sect, and at the same time circumvent a potential alliance between the Tibetans and the newly founded Qing dynasty. The boy was sent to Tibet for recognition by the Dalai Lama in 1649, and he received many initiations and teachings over the next year from the Great Fifth and from the Fourth Panchen Lama Lobsang Chokyi Gyaltsen (blo bzang chos skyid rgyal mtshan). The Dalai Lama also gave Zanabazar the title Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and recognized him as the reincarnation of Taranatha (1575-1634), a Jonangpa (jo nang pa) missionary lama who had traveled widely in Inner Mongolia and rivaled Gelugpa influence in the region. This recognition had astute political consequences. Besides transferring all the merit accumulated by Taranatha in Tibet and Mongolia to Zanabazar (and the Gelugpa), the Fifth Dalai Lama was also able to incorporate Taranatha’s monastery in Tibet, the center of the Jonangpa, Puntsokling (phun tshogs gling). The Great Fifth then “renovated” this monastery with murals by Nepali artists, thus materially inscribing there his ambition. Zanabazar did not preside over Puntsokling, however, but returned instead to Khalkha in the company of fifty painters and bronze casters (commanding both Nepali and Tibetan styles) to build a stupa for Taranatha’s remains, and to establish a new Gelugpa stronghold at Erdeni Zuu.

Zanabazar also never took up permanent residence at his seat of Erdeni Zuu, however, which was the largest stationary monastery of its time. His real establishment was in fact a traveling one; called orgoo (or in Russian, Urga) or Da Khuree or Ikh Khuree, which in Mongolian means Great Circle. With his traveling entourage, Zanabazar worked to carry out the proselytizing mission of the Gelugpas, especially the Fifth Dalai Lama. On the other hand, the Dalai Lama and Jetsundamba Khutukhtu sometimes acted like rival lords, investing, entitling, and providing seals for Mongol Khans, arbitrating disputes between the Khans, and – like emperors and Khans – receiving and dispatching embassies and commanding populations and sometimes even armies. Zanabazar’s Da Khuree ranged over at least seventeen different locations and five hundred kilometers between the mid-seventeenth and eighteenth century. The decoration of the lama’s roving temples reveals some of the techniques he employed towards his proselytizing and diplomatic ends, through his deep engagement with the elaborate artistic traditions and ritualism of his day. His tents were rich with painting, sculpture, textile hangings, and ritual objects created in his workshop. Zanabazar is also said to have composed ceremonial music and designed monks’ costumes and rituals, based on what he had seen at the Panchen Lama’s monastery Tashilunpo (bkra shis lhun po). His famous Nepali-influenced bronze sculptures are said to have been “created” at the unlikely place of Tovghuun, his retreat center on the outskirts of Erdeni Zuu. Patricia Berger argues that this reference mostly likely means that Zanabazar visualized the sculptures during meditation retreat after receiving various spiritual transmissions of texts (he was especially associated with Tara and Vajrapani), and that their later execution took place with the help of his artisan entourage. Actual production sites were spread over a wide geographic swath, unsurprisingly also linking sites of Zanabazar’s diplomatic and missionary endeavors: Beijing, Chengde, Dolonnor, Inner Mongolian Koke qota, and Amdo. Bronzes were sent to the court of the Kangxi emperor around 1655, and Zanabazar is also said to have produced sculptures in metal and gemstones while visiting Beijing in 1691. Continuing the tradition of Nepali-style artistry at the imperial court begun by Anige during the Yuan period, Zanabazar’s bronzes profoundly influenced Qing art.

Zanabazar’s visit to Beijing in 1691 came at a politically significant moment. The lama had just convinced the Khalkhas to submit to the Qing empire at Dolonnor, siding with the Kangxi emperor against the Western Mongolian Dzungars. Forging closer ties with the Manchu emperor – there is a story that Kangxi attempted to test the lama when he first arrived, but that Zanabazar revealed these tricks and also delighted the emperor with displays of his powers – Zanabazar again visited Beijing in 1721 to participate in Kangxi’s birthday celebrations. When the emperor passed away soon afterwards, Zanabazar came once more to conduct rituals for his death at Beijing’s Yellow Monastery (Huang si 黃寺). The lama passed away himself in Beijing only a few months later, in 1723. His body was sent back to Mongolia and mummified. Kangxi’s son, the Yongzheng emperor, ordered a Chinese-style monastery dedicated to Zanabazar’s main tutelary deity, Maitreya, to be built at the place where the lama’s traveling Da Khuree had stood at the moment of the his death. This monastery, called Amur-Bayasqulangtu or “Monastery of Blessed Peace,” resembles Yongzheng’s own palace Yonghegong in Beijing (converted by his son the Qianlong emperor into a Buddhist monastery). The monastery’s sophisticated construction in such a remote location – north of the modern city of Darkhan, near the northern Outer Mongolian border – demonstrates the far reach of the Qing empire in the early eighteenth century. Yongzheng pledged 100,000 liang of silver to the monastery’s construction, which was not completed until a year after his own death in 1736. Zanabazar’s body finally found its way there in 1779 (the project thus spanning three different reign periods), and remained at the monastery until being carried off and lost during the revolution in Mongolia of 1920s and 1930s.

Sources:
Patricia Berger. 2003. Empire of Emptiness: Buddhist Art and Political Authority in Qing China. University of Hawai’i Press.
Sabine Dabringhaus. 1997. “Chinese Emperors and Tibetan Monks: Religion as an Instrument of Rule,” in China and her neighbours. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag.
James L. Hevia. 1995. “A multitude of lords: The Qing Empire, Manchu rulership and interdomainal relations,” in Cherishing men from afar: Qing guest ritual and the Macartney embassy of 1793. Durham N.C.: Duke University Press.
Wang Xiangyun. 2000. “The Qing court’s Tibet connection: Lcang skya Rol pa’I rdo rje and the Qianlong Emperor.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 60 (1): 125-163.

Entry by Stacey Van Vleet, 3/28/07

[[#_ftnref1|[1]]] The date of this event is contested; it is variously cited as 1688, 1691, or 1693.

Sa-skya Pandita

Sa-skya Pandita / Pandit from Sakya (1182-1251)

Künga Gyeltsen was a son of Pelchen Öpo, the eldest son of the first of the five Sakya superiors, Sachen Künga Nyingpo. When he was a teenager, he left Sakya and studied under various teachers of the major Indian Buddhist philosophical and doctrinal trends. In 1204, when the Kashmiri master Shakyashribhadra brought Indian scholars to Tibet, Sakya Pandita learned directly from knowledgeable Indians and went back to Sakya with Suhatashri, one of the scholars. After his uncle and a teacher, Drakpa Gyeltsen, died in 1216, Sakya Pandita became a leader of the religious tradition of Sakya.

Koden was a grand son of Genghis Khan. After he led an unsuccessful campaign in Sichuan, he turned his attention to Tibet. He summoned Sakya Pandita in 1244 with a letter with courteous tone, but threatening contents. Sakya Pandita went to Liangzhou (凉州=武威), with two of his nephews, Pakpa Lodrö Gyeltsen and Chakna Dorjé. Sakya Pandita and Koden agreed on the main points of their future relationships in 1247. Sakya Pandita sent letters to Ü, Tsang and Ngari, and advised them to submit and allow the Mongols to exact taxes and to levy troops. Sakya Pandita spent rest of his life in Liangzhou, and passed away in 1251. He was honored by both Tibetans and Mongolian peoples.


Sources:

Matthew T. Kapstein, “The Tibetans.” (Massachusetts, 2006)
Luciano Petech, “Tibetan Relations with Sung China and the Mongols” in “China among equals: the Middle Kingdom and its neighbors, 10th-14th centuries.” (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983)
Hankyu Kim, “The Historical Relationship Between China and Tibet.” (Seoul, 2003)

Entry by Seul ki Park, 2/07

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‘Phags pa

‘Phags-pa

Following the religious preceptorship that emerged in Tangut state (Chin.: Great Hsia or Hsi Hsia 西夏, 1038-1227) as a model, Mongol rulers adopted this institution of imperial preceptorship (Chin.: ti-shih 帝師) as a means of dealing with the increasing multiethnic population within its territory. First Chinese Buddhism, and then Tibetan Buddhism won over the Mongol Royal family. ‘Phags-pa was a well known Tibetan scholar-monk who was recognized as “imperial preceptor” (1260) and “state preceptor” later by Kublai Khan.

‘Phags-pa (1235-1280) was a member of the Sa skya sect of Buddhism. ‘Phags-pa accompanied his uncle Kunga Gyaltsen, the fourth forefather of the Sa skya sect to Liangzhou for an interview with Prince Godan in 1244. After Kunga Gyaltsen died in Liangzhou in 1251, ‘Phags-pa remained in the Huanhua monastery in Liangzhou at his age of sixteen. ‘Phags-pa became an important historical figure since he had an interview with the then Prince Kublai on Mt. Liupanshan in 1253. Kublai received a Buddhist consecration (Abhiseka) by ‘Phags-pa in 1253 and treated him as his tutor thereafter. When Kublai ascended the throne, he granted ‘Phags-pa the title of “Imperial Preceptor” and gave him responsibility for Buddhist affairs within Yuan dynasty’s territory. Later, ‘Phags-pa was also granted a title “Great Treasure Prince of Dharma” due to his invention of a Mongolian script, called “’Phags-pa Script” nowadays, which was promoted throughout the state in the course of Yuan dynasty; and honored with the title of “Imperial Preceptor of the Yuan Dynasty”.

In addition to invent “’Phags-pa Script”, ‘Phags-pa also introduced the cult of Yamantaka into China, and it seems that ‘Phags-pa had knowledge of medicine as well. ‘Phags-pa, therefore, was not merely a powerful religious figure, but also was an important scholar in other areas. His huge influence on Mongol was mainly accomplished by tutoring or advising the member of the royal family, rather than the civilians within the state. Kublai’s choice of ‘Phags-pa remains controversial, in part due to the young age at which he was recognized as Kublai’s tutor. Nevertheless, ‘Phags-pa was a promising monk and the Mongolian influence on him was hugely important for Kublai to control the multiethnic state.

From the Tibetan perspective, ‘Phags-pa was a prominent Lama for many reasons. ‘Phags-pa went back to Sa skya in the summer of 1264 and he set up thirteen official posts. ‘Phags-pa came back Sa skya in 1274 due to the social disorder in Tubo, with the permission from Kublai Khan. He died in Sa skya on November 24, 1280. Ye Rinchen, ‘Phags-pa’s brother succeeded his position of Imperial Preceptor afterwards. ‘Phags-pa was granted posthumously a title of “Lord Under the Divine Sky, Propagator of Literature of the Court, Great Sage of the Highest Virtue, Profound Wisdom and Accomplished Enlightenment, Great Treasure Prince of the Dharma, Prince of the Deities of Paradise, Pandita the Imerpial preceptor.” by Kublai. In memory of ‘Phags-pa, Kublai ordered temples built for him in each prefecture and stupas in many areas; Significantly, the temples were supposed to be larger than that for Confucius, which signified the importance of Tibetan Buddhism as compared to the traditional Confucianism in the political realm of the Yuan dynasty.

Sources:
Petech, Luciano, Tibetan Relations with Sung China and with the Mongols, China among Equals: The Middle Kingdom and its Neighbors, 10th-14th Centuries. Morris Rossabi (ed.) UC.P. 172-203
Dunnell, Ruth, The Hsia Origins of the Yuan Institution of Imperial Preceptor, Asian Major, 3rd series, Vol. V, Part I, 1992, 85-111
Watt, James C.Y., Wardwell, Anne E., When Silk Was Gold: Central Asian and Chinese Textiles, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 95-99
Bechwith, Christopher I., Tibetan Science at the Court of the Great Khans, J Tib Society Vol.7, 1987, 5-7
Rinchen Drashi, Tibetan Buddhism and the Yuan Royal Court, Tibetan Studies, 1-26.
Herbert, Franke, From Tribal Chieftain to Universal Emperor and God: The Legitimation of the Yuan Dynasty, Munich, 1978, 58- 64;
Herbert, Franke, Consecration of the “White Stupa” in 1279, Asian Major, 3rd series, Vol, II, Part 1, 155-183

Entry by Lan Wu